Hypolite Seeks CareFugitivity
Fugitivity is a keyword in Black studies that captures the physical, metaphysical, armed, and everyday resistance of enslaved Africans and their allies against any and all aspects of enslavement. Rashauna Johnson, describing the “slave space” that was New Orleans, points to the specific geography of the region as lesson in fugitivity: Nonetheless, enslaved persons appropriated the places assigned them toward their own ends, a point that broadens the received gendered geographies of slave resistance. Because New Orleans was an important port city, it offered a diffuse set of pathways for escape – and recapture. If the politics of place could oppress, slaves reasoned, movement could also become an avenue to freedom. The connectedness that made the city’s location so desirable to merchants and imperial officials – its land passageways, river outlets, and Atlantic access – gave runaways an array of escape options. The fugitives redefined themselves in local “geographies of resistance,” or fled to other parts of the Atlantic World.
“Camera looking from water to stand of cypress along shore.” Louisiana Ecology and Conservation: Percy Viosca Jr. Collection, Louisiana Digital Library, Baton Rouge. https://louisianadigitallibrary.org/islandora/object/lsu-sea-pvc%3A263https://louisianadigitallibrary.org/islandora/object/lsu-sea-pvc%3A263.
However, fugitivity is a term encompassing more than marronnage (which is the act of absconding from enslavers and being out of reach of slaveholding authorities, even if temporarily). Fugitivity describes active and intentional resistance, as well as the acts of imagination and refusal that Africans and people of African descent engaged in against slaveholders’ gendered racial capitalistic regime.
Fred Moten writes: What's at stake is fugitive movement in and out of the frame, bar, or whatever externally imposed social logic—a movement of escape, the stealth of the stolen that can be said, since it inheres in every closed circle, to break every enclosure. This fugitive movement is stolen life, and its relation to law is reducible neither to simple interdiction nor bare transgression. Part of what can be attained in this zone of unattainability, to which the eminently attainable ones have been relegated, which they occupy but cannot (and refuse to) own, is some sense of the fugitive law of movement that makes black social life ungovernable, that demands a para-ontological disruption of the supposed connection between explanation and resistance.
Fugitivity is a keyword in Black studies, and Keywords for Black Louisiana draws on insights from Black studies to better understand the sources Africans and their descendants appeared in, as well as to better interpret the individual and communal acts of resistance.
Stories with this keywordMiguel and Pedro Escaped with María JuanaMiguel and Pedro Escaped with María JuanaMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMama Comba's GombeauMama Comba's GombeauLuison Claims Her FreedomLuison Claims Her FreedomJeannot Testifies in the Case of the Disappearance of Enslaver CorbinJeannot Testifies in the Case of the Disappearance of Enslaver CorbinAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All DownAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All DownKinship
Keywords for Black Louisiana views “kinship” and the battle for kin as central to Black life in the so-called New World. Kinship is the glue that knit Africans together in Gulf Coast Louisiana. Building and rebuilding fictive, chosen, and biological kin that reshaped bonds broken through the slave trade and the forced relocations of bondage in the New World occupied Africans and people of African descent from the moment of their initial capture on the African continent to the end of their lives.
Larry Powell writes: Few aspects of African tradition were felt more strongly by slaves fresh from the homeland than a commitment to kinship. Severed from bloodlines, they invented new family ties on the spot. Fictive kinship was one type. Slaves acquired new siblings and new elders. But these arrangements were ad hoc and informal, anchored in nothing more solid than the sands of sentiment.
Gender, age, and reproductive capacity played an important role in kinship relations and rebuilding kinship and community.
As Jessica Marie Johnson writes, Understanding the role intimacy and kinship played in black women’s lives highlights black women’s everyday understanding of freedom as centered around safety and security for themselves and their progeny. Safety, particularly safety from intimate violence, and security lay at the heart of decisions to secure or reject patrons, partners, lovers, and other kin. Black women’s intimacy with individuals ranged along the spectrum of coerced to strategic, from fraternal to sexual. Determined to build community and make generations, imagining futures that were, if not beyond bondage, at least buttressed against harm, they cultivated, protected, and defended kinship networks. They engaged in a range of practices meant to safeguard their bodies and their legacies. At times this included legitimating kinship ties through formal sacred institutions like the Catholic Church.Stories with this keywordThe Two-Year-Old Son of Marianne Dies from Worm DiseaseThe Two-Year-Old Son of Marianne Dies from Worm DiseaseCatalina Swears She Hasn’t Harbored María JuanaCatalina Swears She Hasn’t Harbored María JuanaJuan Francisco Is Interrogated about María JuanaJuan Francisco Is Interrogated about María JuanaMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMarie Aram Secures Her FreedomMarie Aram Secures Her FreedomMaria and Carlota Gain Their FreedomMaria and Carlota Gain Their FreedomMama Comba's GombeauMama Comba's GombeauJeannot Testifies in the Case of the Disappearance of Enslaver CorbinJeannot Testifies in the Case of the Disappearance of Enslaver CorbinJanette and Pierre: Children Enslaved on the Same PlantationJanette and Pierre: Children Enslaved on the Same PlantationHypolite Is Sold at Public AuctionHypolite Is Sold at Public AuctionGuillermo, Catalina, and Her Children Are Sold at AuctionGuillermo, Catalina, and Her Children Are Sold at AuctionGuillermo, Catalina, and Her Children Are InventoriedGuillermo, Catalina, and Her Children Are InventoriedFrançois Became More Ill Along the WayFrançois Became More Ill Along the WayChef Dominique and Family Stay TogetherChef Dominique and Family Stay TogetherCatharina Knows Her WorthCatharina Knows Her WorthBaptiste Is Freed by the Spanish GovernorBaptiste Is Freed by the Spanish GovernorAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All DownAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All DownManumission
Manumission is the act of freeing and being freed from slavery “while the institution of slavery continues,” as described by Rosemary Brana-Shute and Randy J. Sparks. Manumission was a critical act and strategy enslaved people engaged in as they struggled for control over their lives, selves, and kinship networks. It was differentiated from emancipation, the legislative acts and actions (i.e., US Civil War) nominally freeing all enslaved people, wholesale or conditionally (i.e., with apprenticeship), across a given slaveholding society. Manumission was executed by individual enslavers on behalf of their respective property (enslaved people) through formal (i.e., legal) action. Manumission was regulated by imperial and national officials in all slaveholding societies, but the rules of manumission varied across empire, region, and even between towns or colonial outposts. In French Louisiana, manumission was regulated by a succession of Code Noirs (1685, 1724) which determined the guidelines enslavers needed to follow to complete an act of manumission. In Spanish Louisiana, the French ordinances were replaced by Spanish manumission law guided by the Siete Partidas, eighteenth-century Spanish imperial law, and the bandos de buen gobierno. The differences were stark between the two colonial periods. For example, during the French period, enslavers were required to secure ratification of the Superior Council for any manumissions. In the Spanish period, not only could enslavers directly manumit their enslaved property, but enslaved people could also appeal to the Spanish Cabildo (Louisiana's governing body during the Spanish period) for their freedom. Coartación, the process of appealing for your freedom, allowed a critical mass of Africans and people of African descent to secure their freedom. The audacity, creativity, and resistance practice of enslaved people demanding their legal freedom from their owners through coartación laid the foundation for the free population of color that would emerge in the later years of the eighteenth century.
Stories with this keywordJuan Francisco Is Interrogated about María JuanaJuan Francisco Is Interrogated about María JuanaMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMaría Juana Sues for Her FreedomMarie Aram Secures Her FreedomMarie Aram Secures Her FreedomMaria and Carlota Gain Their FreedomMaria and Carlota Gain Their FreedomCatharina Knows Her WorthCatharina Knows Her WorthBaptiste Is Freed by the Spanish GovernorBaptiste Is Freed by the Spanish GovernorAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All DownAntoine Is Willing to Burn It All DownWellness
Keywords for Black Louisiana views “wellness” expansively and radically to encompass an array of practices. For Africans in Gulf Coast Louisiana, wellness meant more than their physical health. Enslavers demanded control over Africans’ bodies, minds, and futures (via their reproductive labor). Wellness, for Africans, meant wresting control of their whole selves from enslavers. Wellness could mean body autonomy (laboring as they wished, playing as they wished, imbibing food and drink as they wished). It could mean spiritual practices that protected and preserved African systems of belief or maintained ways of organizing the supernatural that varied from Catholic doctrine. It could mean play, mischief, or even behavior the French marked as crimes, such as theft or running away, since these crimes often created space for broader wellness practices (feasts, gatherings, and marronnage).
Plate 23 of David Boilat’s Esquisses sénégalaises: physionomie du pays, peuplades, commerce, religions, passé et avenir, récits et légendes (Paris: P. Bertrand, 1853). Slavery Images: A Visual Record of the African Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Early African Diaspora, accessed September 6, 2023, https://slaveryimages.org/database/image-result.php?objectid=998https://slaveryimages.org/database/image-result.php?objectid=998.
Along with misreading wellness practices as crimes, enslavers also misread wellness practices as superstition. In 1734 Le Page du Pratz, for example, described the creation of gris-gris, protective devices composed of natural and inanimate materials, as being “very superstitious and attached to their prejudices.” As Gwendolyn Midlo Hall notes, Reference to grigri is found in New Orleans court records in 1773. Charms ritually fabricated and worn for protection, as well as charms intended to harm others, have kept their African names to the present day. Zinzin, an amulet of support or power in Louisiana Creole, has the same name and meaning in Bambara. Grisgris, a harmful charm, comes from the Mande word gerregerys. The words zvanga and grisgris are still widely used in New Orleans by speakers of English as well as by Creoles.
Hypolite Seeks Treatment from the King's DoctorJanuary 21, 1741Olivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdJessica Marie JohnsonTranscribed byOlivia BarnardTranslated byOlivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdAnnotated byLeila K. BlackbirdOlivia BarnardEncoded byLeila K. BlackbirdOlivia BarnardE. G. Palazzolo2024Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editinghttp://www.scholarlyediting.orgAssociation for Documentary Editing2024kolkolScholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editing is freely
distributed by the Association for Documentary Editing and licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International
License.Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary EditingCo-Editor in ChiefNoelle BakerKathryn TomasekConsulting EditorSilvia GlickCo-Managing EditorRobert RiterJenifer IsheeTechnical EditorMicro-Editions EditorRaffaele Viglianti412167-1257Louisiana Historical Center1741-01-21-01
Facsimle available online at the Louisiana Colonial Documents Digitization Project.
https://www.lacolonialdocs.org/document/5149https://www.lacolonialdocs.org/document/5149.
For eight months, an enslaved man named HypoliteHypoliteexperienced painful symptoms of a condition that made it difficult for him to breathe, eat, and labor for his enslavers. In the documents that follow, we learn that HypoliteHypolite's enslaver valued profit over HypoliteHypolite's health and life. His enslaver sold him, citing the costs of his care as the reason for the sale. This document consists of three parts. First, we see the enslaver's request to sell HypoliteHypolite. Next, we see the colonial administration approve that request. Lastly, the third section of the document captures the public auction that took place eight days later, in front of the parish church, where another enslaver purchased HypoliteHypolite.
Hypolite cherche des soins21 janvier 1741Transcription
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(14230) A Nos Seigneurs du Conseil
Superieur de la Province de la LouisianneNos Seigneurs
supplie humblement le Procureur en Biens
vacans, Disant que sur l'exposé qu'a fait le Sr.DalcourSr.Dalcour, que le nommé hypolitehypolite Negre apartenant
a la Succession de feu le Sr. CoustilhasSr. Coustilhas ne luy
rendoit depuis huit mois aucun service, a cause
de sa maladie venerienne qui est parvenue a son
dernier Periode, il a conlud a ce que le supp.
tfit traitter le dit Negrele dit Negre.1Le Suppliant a l'honneur de vous remontrer
nos seigneurs, qu'il en couteron une somme
considerable pour faire traitter Servir nourrir et
Loger un negre attaqué d'une telle maladieque tout le monde craint autant qu'une fievre
pourprée, que D'ailleur cette maladie ayant
Monté a la Poitrine qui luy cause un toussement
continuel, a joindre une grosseur extraordinaire
survenue au Col qui tetouffe et l'empeche de
pouvoir manger, ce qui donne lieu de Croyre
que les depences pour le faire guerir ne serviroient
a abreger ses jours, ainsi il conviendroit
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(14231)
Mieux pour les Interets des heritiers
du feu Sieur Coustilhasfeu Sieur Coustilhas, que le dit Negrele dit Negrefut vendu dimanche prochain a la porte
de L'eglise parroisialle a l'issue de la
grande Messe d'en citer la totalle Sorte.
Ce considéré nos Seigneurs il
vous plaise ordonner ce que vous jugerez
bon estre et ferez drois.
D'ausevilleD'ausevillePermis la vente du Negre en question
Ce 21 jan 1741 SalmonSalmonAujourdhuy Vingt neuf Janvier mil Sept
Cent Quarante Dix heures du matin a lissüe de
La Grande Messe parroissaille du Cette et a la
Requete de Sr. DaussevilleSr. Daussevilleprocur
r aux Biens
Vacants chargé dela succession du feu Sr. De Coustilhasfeu Sr. De Coustilhasen Vertu du lord
ce de monsieur De Salmonmonsieur De Salmon au base
de lad
Requete apres que les affiches et
publications ordinaires ont eté faites par
Le NormandLe Normand huissier dans tous Les Endroits
ordinaires a eté Exposé En Vente a la porte
de L'Eglise au sortir de la grand messe ou sest
trouvé nombres de personnes Vu Negre
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(14227)
tres Infirme nommé hypolitehypolite ainsy que se
prouve par lExposé de lad
te Requete et le Certificat
du M PratM Prat Medecin du Roy de France Louis XVRoy
Lequel Negre qui
apres vu par differentes personnes pendant Lespace
dune demy heure a Eté adjugé diffinitivement
a françois Seguierfrançois Seguier a la Somme de Mil quatre
Vingt Livres en payent Comptant lad
Somme
En mains du Sr DaussevilleSr Dausseville En sa qualité
Lequel sest chargé du faire le Recouvrement
par En Compter toutes effets et quanter
quil En sera Requis et a ledit Seguierled
SeguierSigné avec mondsr Daussevillemondsr DaussevilleLe NormandLe Normand huissier et Nous Greffier
Sousignéz
VegayVegayD'ausevilleD'auseville
The King's Doctor Certifies that Hypolite Is Very SickJanuary 21, 1741Olivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdJessica Marie JohnsonTranscribed byOlivia BarnardTranslated byOlivia BarnardAnnotated byOlivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdEncoded byOlivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdE. G. Palazzolo2024Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editinghttp://www.scholarlyediting.orgAssociation for Documentary Editing2024kolkolScholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editing is freely
distributed by the Association for Documentary Editing and licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International
License.Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary EditingCo-Editor in ChiefNoelle BakerKathryn TomasekConsulting EditorSilvia GlickCo-Managing EditorRobert RiterJenifer IsheeTechnical EditorMicro-Editions EditorRaffaele Viglianti412167-1257Louisiana Historical Center1741-01-21-02
Facsimle available online at the Louisiana Colonial Documents Digitization Project.
https://www.lacolonialdocs.org/document/5150https://www.lacolonialdocs.org/document/5150.
There were limited institutional options within colonial Louisiana medical care for Africans and their descendants. Sometimes enslavers consulted plantation or colonial doctors, such as Mr. PratMr. Prat, the Kingthe King's Doctor, whose words we read in this record. While we may assume PratPrat treated HypoliteHypolite, we witness how PratPrat's confirmation of HypoliteHypolite's sickness served as certification for HypoliteHypolite's enslaver, who then could justify the sale of HypoliteHypolite to colonial officials.2 Enslaved people occasionally received care at the public hospital,"L'Hôpital des Pauvres de la Charité," or Charity Hospital, which opened a few years before HypoliteHypolite became sick. Enslaved and free Black men, women, and children, such as Marie AramMarie Aram and François TiocouFrançois Tiocou (who are mentioned elsewhere in this edition), worked in the hospital providing care for other Black, Indigenous, and Afro-Indigenous people in the colony.3 Enslaved people relied on their communities and healers, often women, who had knowledge of herbal and medicinal practices. These practices were rooted in African and Indigenous sacred knowledge systems, traditions, and techniques passed down over generations.4
Hypolite cherche des soins21 janvier 1741Transcription
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Je certifie a tous ceux quil appartiendra
que le nommé paulitepaulite negre appartenant
a la Succession de Monsieur de CoustillhasMonsieur de Coustillhasest attaqué dune toux très violente, et de
tumeurs qui occupent la partie antérieure
du col accompagnées de fièvre, ces accidents
me paroissent être Causez par le virus variolique5et mettent le malade en danger Evident
de perdre la vie. En foy de quoy jay
signé le pus pour Servir a telle fin
que la raison a la N
lle orleans la 21.e Jan.er1741.
Prat médecinPrat méde
in
Hypolite Is Sold at Public AuctionJanuary 29, 1741Olivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdJessica Marie JohnsonTranscribed byOlivia BarnardTranslated byOlivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdAnnotated byOlivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdEncoded byOlivia BarnardLeila K. BlackbirdE. G. Palazzolo2024Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editinghttp://www.scholarlyediting.orgAssociation for Documentary Editing2024kolkolScholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary Editing is freely
distributed by the Association for Documentary Editing and licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International
License.Scholarly Editing: The Annual of the Association for Documentary EditingCo-Editor in ChiefNoelle BakerKathryn TomasekConsulting EditorSilvia GlickCo-Managing EditorRobert RiterJenifer IsheeTechnical EditorMicro-Editions EditorRaffaele Viglianti412167-1257Louisiana Historical Center1741-01-29-01
Facsimle available online at the Louisiana Colonial Documents Digitization Project.
https://www.lacolonialdocs.org/document/5154https://www.lacolonialdocs.org/document/5154.
Before his enslaver sold HypoliteHypolite, colonial officials advertised for his sale. This document confirms that the advertisement was posted and that the public auction would occur on that day, January 29th 1741. We learn little from this record about the eight days HypoliteHypolite spent between the approval of his sale and when he was sold.6 Who cared for and comforted him? How might we imagine that he and his community on the Coustilhas plantation took care of one another in the wake of this news?
Hypolite cherche des soins29 janvier 1741Transcription
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Le publication d'un Execution a l'ordre
du Monsieur de SalmonMonsieur de Salmon Commissaire ordonnateur
de la Marine et premier juge au Conseil Superieur
de cette province en datte du 21 du present mois
a la req
te du Sr DaussevilleSr Dausseville procureur aux biens
vacants et comme chargé de la Suc
on de feu Mr CoustilhasMr Coustilhasil va etre procedé tout presentement a la vente et
adjud
on d'une negre nommé polittepolitte apartenait a lad
suc
on infirme suivant le certifficat de Mr. PrattMr. PrattMedecin du Roy En datte du 21re du present mois, ou
toutes personnes seront recüe ay [illegible] En payment
comptant le prix de leur adjunc
on sans retour ny
Garantye que pour sareté de lacquisition auque [illegible]personne nen ignore a la n
lle orleans ce 29e janv.er[illegible][illegible] publié et affiché par maj. marin le normandmaj. marin le normand suppliant
soussigné led.t jour mois et an que dessus
Le NormandLe Normand